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The conspiration of bolivienne droite

By Roxana Paniagua Humor, sociologist and journalist

The government of Evo Morales is facing a line that seems to have gained strength with legalistic arguments and the defense of "democracy." The opposition politicians with the right civic committees, especially that of Santa Cruz, led by Mr. German Antelo not saving the seditious when they call to rebellion and separatism. Revolve around the Civic Committee clearly the economic interests of the CAINCO-FEGASACRUS (Chamber of Commerce and Federation of Livestock), CAD Federation of Entrepreneurs (Agricultural Chamber of the East), the Nación Camba (separatist organization the right) and the Unión de Juventud Cruceñista (shock group), and media power, and Unitel Red Uno. (Bolpress, October 24, 2006). Today oligarchy is organized around the "defense of democracy" and reveals the fierce refusal to accept necessary reforms in a country where two thirds of the population lives on less than a dollar a day and the majority of the population voted for these reforms by electing Evo Morales. The Bolivian oligarchy paradoxically becomes the champion of democracy, citing the state of law, but his speech was a smokescreen on a reality that does not change. On 23 November, these groups have declared a hunger strike and called for civil disobedience. But their last bastion of opposition has been successful because the Constituent Assembly was mired in a discussion without end: the decision by simple majority voting or two-thirds majority. The right-wing parties (UN, MNR, PODEMOS, MIR) advance two-thirds while the MAS (Movement to Socialism) supports a simple majority. The right-wing parties that represent the interests of owners landowners accuse, since August 2006, Mr. Evo Morales and grip of authoritarianism.
The height of peak, the principal officer of a center-right party Samuel Doria Medina, said he was on hunger strike with several members of his party (National Union). In Bolivia, "the rich are also on hunger strike," said the correspondent of Pagina 12, wanting to serve the extreme remedy to forego eating in protest, was not only the instrument of the poor to overthrow the authoritarian regimes, but the rich to defend their interests.
leader of the National Union, Samuel Doria Medina, in an irresponsible decision to resort to this extreme act in an attempt to gain electoral capital and contributing to the movement organized by landowners in the east whose chief aim and object to the award of unproductive land and not used in aboriginal hands.
The scenario becomes more complex since PODEMOS (Democratic and Social Power) proposed to form a Constituent Assembly and parallel along their leader Jorge "Tuto" Quiroga gave instructions to its members so they do not attend Congress. In fact, 23 November 2006, Senators of PODEMOS and the MNR have boycotted sessions of the congress. As a result, the Land Act is imposed a "lock" by the minority who do not accept to have lost power. The Senate must approve this legislation has already been adopted by the Chamber of Deputies. PODEMOS, the National Union and the MNR realized so a strike in their function of Representatives. Their attitude was close to surrealism ... But this was overturned on November 28 with three opposition senators who attended the Senate to approve the Lands Act. Defeat for right which has not wavered in its leverage.
In 11 months, conservative forces have had time to create a social climate to defeat the government of the Indian Evo Morales. PODEMOS, UN and the MNR (Nationalist Revolutionary Movement) signed a pact, not later than November 17 "for the good of the country, as highlighted by the representative to the Constituent for the MNR, Guillermo Ricther. The paradox arises in that, if we are "the good of the country, we should be responsible to complete the mandate the people gave in the mobilizations of October 2003. This mandate was to nationalize hydrocarbons, implement and review the Constituent ownership of land in the eastern region. On
politics is waged a fierce struggle between the legitimacy of the new majority's argument against the legality of the old regime. The right-wing minority who deftly handles the legal instruments protests against the alleged tyranny of the President and in favor of "democracy." But the background goes beyond a settlement decision to the Constituent Assembly, it is the struggle between the old regime prebend and the need to change the basics of country allow the inclusion of 62% of the population that has been away from politics for 181 years.
The apparent defense of democracy hides the true intentions of this line that seems to have recovered strength. The Gordian knot of mobilization of industrial sectors in Santa Cruz, Tarija, civic committees of Beni, prefects, etc.. actually conceals the opposition in drafting the new charter of the country that will promote new social relations.
"We can not fail ..."
Moreover, the nationalization of hydrocarbons, although it is not completed, will benefit and already bringing benefits to the state, and jeopardizes the huge profits of oil companies and interest groups in Santa Cruz and Tarija. As for the reform of the INRA law on land ownership, the data on this are staggering, a handful of families has over 75% of land in the eastern region of the country while thousands of families peasant and indigenous piled on 7% of the Earth (National Institute of Statistics INE). Landowners, some 17 families have complied a front to "defend" and seek legal guarantees, while a march of the indigenous peoples and indigenous (women, children, men) of that rich region, arrived at the seat of government in La Paz to put pressure on senators who were blocking the right of approval of the reform of the INRA law. The reform will distribute unused land, which belong to the landowners, peasants and indigenous to the region and their community. According to the Movement of Landless, 65 million hectares suitable for cultivation, 40 million are in the hands of landowners (La Epoca, 19 to 25 November 2006).
can criticize Mr. Morales through his blunders, but we can not criticize him for having carried out its election promises in such a short time. The nationalization of hydrocarbons, although she is not quite complete, has, since the decree of 1 May 2006, start filling the coffers began to fill up and even the prefectures of regions resistant to government have begun to receive considerable monies. Therefore the government proposed a law of taxation to avoid corruption. That is what the opposition prefects of 6 departments. The Morales government has created an allowance with the money coming from oil, Pinto Juancito bonus that benefits all children of school age in countries of first to fifth grade. The allowance of 200 pesos, equivalent to 30 Canadian dollars has enabled poor people to have a little liquid to send their children to school. To the right, this is a populist policy and charitable, but we must understand that for poor families, 30 dollars is vital.
The coup imposed by the government the right of Mr. Morales was predictable, but the insight and honesty that characterized his administration could possibly counteract designs of the right. Mr. Morales and his entourage seem confident that the popular mobilization reverse this process of political instability created by the interests of the oligarchy. Moreover, the right seems confident that with his money, it can tip the government, but after? Remains to be seen, because the situation is delicate.
This fight will be defined in a turbulent scenario. On the one hand, clearly defends the right to maintain its profits despite the crisis and rebellion in the country prior to December 2005. On the other hand, indigenous movements, peasant and popular do not want to lose what little they have won. Because as we said the representative to the Constituent Tarija, Nilda Copa, "we can not fail, otherwise we will be confined to oblivion and to the exclusion of more 500 years, that's why we need to do the best possible. " But between this argument and the argument from the right, there is an abyss.

BENCHMARKS
-A march of the indigenous peoples and indigenous arrived in La Paz to support the government in the Land Act and in protest against the minority the right to block its approval.
-November 28 were approved by the Land Reform in the presence of 3 opposition senators who have a quorum and conduct of the meeting. Ave approval we began the "agrarian revolution" as said Evo Morales.
-A march called by the Civic Committee, the Federation of Entrepreneurs of Santa Cruz was held on November 22 calling for the withdrawal of the reform of the Land Act and for the two to vote in the Constituent Assembly.
-Committee members of the Cruceñidad (members of industrialists and the elite) met to put forward measures to pressure the government of Mr Morales. On November 23 they are declared in a hunger strike under the slogan "Uphold the rule of law."
-Six prefects of departments met in Trinidad (Beni) to take action against the government. They oppose the law on taxation to counter corruption. Some want to declare their de facto autonomy.
-The Constituent Assembly is working without the presence of several members of the opposition. On 28 November, almost midnight, adopted a simple majority resolution of operation while the right-wing opposition calls for expanding the pickets from hunger.
-The former president of the country and a member of PODEMOS Tuto Quiroga said that the struggle in Bolivia bob s'opposer pour à l'Influence of Chavez dans le pays. Il est l'artisan of the mise aux Enchères des ressources naturelles du pays.

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by Alejandro Saravia

How can we explain the fact of owning land, big, huge tracts of land in a country like Bolivia? In its colonial origin, individual ownership of land appears as royal gift. A English king, tricky, ambitious in its conception of the Viceroyalty of Upper Peru, royal decrees and orders signed giving land the size of whole countries, including its people, its advanced bible and sword, in that circle of peninsular denied by fortune in his own land, adventurous, violent giants with pretensions of grandeur at court.
Defeated the English in Ayacucho in 1824, founded a year later a Bolivian republic that does not alter the form of land ownership. Now they are the Creoles, strutting surnames and remote peninsular inheritance, appropriate control of the state, deciding that in a majority indigenous country, only those men can vote, and only men who are "outstanding", ie traders, owners mines, estates and also read and write Castilian, in a multilingual country. Suddenly, a tiny group of oligarchs is control of Bolivia and administration with zeal looter who embody so well Patiño. Undermined the Revolution of 1952, enter the picture predatory species of Sanchez de Losada. The military dictatorships of Banzer even before, but with Banzer, knew buying silence and complicity with the delivery of land to his acolytes. Exist in the eastern Bolivian landowners to be jovial bed, fame and fortune in land reclaimed from the abuse, exile and death of the years of dictatorship. Economic groups exist in Bolivia in the east of the country that for decades were breastfed roughly what the miners, indigenous Aymara and Quechua read, put in lungs in the tunnels of Llallagua and Siglo XX. Banks were looted by these agribusiness entrepreneurs, that entrepreneurs were more than leeches National Treasury. Parasites that could nicely out of the hassle of having to return to the state banks borrowed money thanks to the magician passes with which the country Mauro Bertero transferred debts and other landowners vivillos good name to the Bolivian state. And now those "elites" Bolivians are disguising themselves as heroic and Democrats. Take to the streets to oppose the lands that belong to the state, return to the State rather than the State, indigenous peoples. Now go to the streets of Santa Cruz these youths donkeys neofacistas to beat the defending agrarian reform. Monolingual barbarian hordes that refugees in their small pool of cultural references, can not understand what the indigenous bilingual or trilingual knows: that the country can not continue living under a colonial regime internally, you can not continue to accept that there is a form of slavery in some estates in southern Bolivia. MNR important frogs, dealers and other powders consciences MIR, those nostalgic for the "peace, order and work" of DNA, now in a political transvestite, WE have become, in the brotherhood of reactionary or blind society in the best are those who propose to continue as if no corruption of democracy that the country experienced since 1982. Beyond them, the people "rather nice" of Bolivia, people think blood is blue in a country of Indians, the people that have studied abroad underestimate the forms of organization and leadership of Bolivian indigenous world. Beyond the clever Chicago boys who have sown so much misery from the Ministry of Finance. Bolivian oligarchy who walk their doodles of the new rich by the world's airports, landowners such ill-gotten lands are areas that, in combating land reform and the work of the Constituent Assembly, refuse to understand that Bolivia is a country indigenous majority impoverished by decades of neoliberal looting and it is time to find a new way of living, not paternalism cultural, or economic or political.

Andres Soliz Rada